The past two decades have seen a surge in social media use, with the percentage of American adults on these platforms jumping from 5 % in 2005 to 72 % by early 2021 (Hootsuite, 2021); young users aged 18–29 reported checking platforms like Instagram or Snapchat multiple times daily (Auxier & Anderson, 2021). Concurrently, the mental health effects of social media use, such as on loneliness (Teppers et al., 2014), stress management (Brand et al., 2016), attention span (Throuvala et al., 2019), and addictive behaviors (Moqbel and Kock, 2018, Shensa et al., 2017), have become increasingly scrutinized.

Problematic social media use (PSMU) is an emerging mental health concern, with recent meta-analyses estimating global prevalence rates ranging from 14 % to 31 % across different countries and cultures (Montag et al., 2024, Moretta et al., 2022). PSMU is characterized by deficient self-regulation, a strong preference for online communication over face-to-face interactions, mood regulation through social media use, and persistent engagement despite experiencing negative personal or social consequences (Svicher et al., 2021). Evidence from longitudinal studies and meta-analyses have associated PSMU with anxiety and depression (Huang, 2020, Keles et al., 2020). A nationally representative U.S. panel study from 2014 to 2016 observed a 9 % increase in the odds of depression symptoms for young adults with problematic social media use (Shensa et al., 2017), while a multi-country survey linked intense PSMU in school-aged adolescents with lower well-being across various domains (Boer et al., 2020). Thus, a better understanding of the mechanisms linking PSMU to adverse mental health outcomes is essential for advancing theoretical models and guiding future research.

Although PSMU itself has been well researched, previous work has been limited by an undifferentiated concept of social media activities that did not attend to differences between individuals in how or why they use social media. For example, a group of people primarily using the sites for making friends and chatting may experience different risk levels compared to another group using most of the time browsing content (Burke et al., 2010, Utz and Breuer, 2017). Scientific understanding remains limited regarding how different types of social media communication may influence the relationship between PSMU and mental health outcomes, with few studies investigating whether PSMU's effects vary across communication types (Kuss and Griffiths, 2017, Marino et al., 2018).

To derive the SNS communication attributes defined by clear-defined, broader dimensions based on their shared characteristics and potential impacts on well-being, we built upon prior research linking specific communication types—such as targeted composed messages, active social interactions, and “one-click” activities like likes and shares—to mental health outcomes (Burke and Kraut, 2016, Manuoğlu and Uysal, 2020, Utz and Breuer, 2017). The present study examined SNS communication attributes across four distinct dimensions: 1. Consumption: creating content versus consuming content; 2. Broadness: whether information or messages sent or received were targeted/private versus broadcasted/public; 3. Online Exclusivity: whether connections or interactions took place exclusively on SNS versus in both SNS and other settings; 4. Parasociality: whether connections or interactions on SNS were one-way versus mutual. Detailed operational definitions and measurement procedures are described in the Methods section.

Previous studies have found communication types appear to be correlated with mental well-being (Burke & Kraut, 2016). For example, Burke and Kraut (2016) reported that receiving targeted, composed communication from strong-tie friends was associated with improvements in psychological well-being while viewing broadcasted messages and receiving one-click feedback were not (Burke & Kraut, 2016). In a survey of high school students, Frison and Eggermont (2016) found that the incidence of depressed mood was higher among those who used Facebook passively, defined as viewing others’ profiles and posts (Frison & Eggermont, 2016). This line of work is especially invaluable in putting novel, online communication in the context of established models of human needs for information exchange and social connections. Does it facilitate essential social efforts (e.g., facilitating belongingness, signaling relational investment, maintaining stock of friendships, and bolstering self-affirmation (Manuoğlu and Uysal, 2020, Toma and Hancock, 2013, Tsao et al., 2021))? Or does it perhaps amplify morbid psychosocial mechanisms (e.g., stimulating unhealthy social comparison, sensation seeking, ignoring real-life relationships, and causing decreased productivity (Faelens et al., 2021, Griffiths, 2013, Kircaburun and Griffiths, 2018, Leung, 2008))?” Collectively, this body of empirical evidence provides a compelling rationale for differentiating SNS communication based on contextual factors. However, a critical knowledge gap persists regarding how these distinct communication patterns potentially moderate the association between PSMU and psychological outcomes − the primary objective of the present investigation.

This paper aims to investigate how specific online communication attributes moderate the link between PSMU and anxiety. Building on prior work of Burke and Kraut (2016) and Shakya et al. (2017), we systemize four dimensions of communication – Consumption, Broadness, Online Exclusivity, and Parasociality – into coherent framework to assess their moderating roles. Employing a daily diary design to collect prospective data, this study captures day-to-day fluctuations in problematic social media use (PSMU) and anxiety. We expected to offer a temporal perspective to strengthen empirical research on communication types and to test the hypothesis that the effects of PSMU on anxiety would vary by exposure to different types of social media communication.